I haven't attended my public meeting yet, so this is all still academic to me (deeply, self-satifyingly academic in Fainstein's case). I've located two that I could attend with my busy schedule, but both were cancelled for lack of agenda. Now I've got one lined up for Tuesday in Arvada, and I've confirmed that there are items on the agenda. Maybe it's a good thing that I waited until the last minute, because now my memo can be influenced by these readings.
Fainstein's critique of the communicative mode of planning recalls (for me, because I'm programmed to see historical roots in everything) James Madison's argument in the Tenth Federalist Paper about putting checks on the tyranny of the majority through a federal system. "Communicative theorists avoid dealing with the classic topic of what to do when the processes produce unjust results" and, moreover, is susceptible to abuse by NIMBYs, she charges. She also suggestions that communicative practices too often stop short of action, and so their plans remain paper plans. Although these two critiques attack communicative theory from both sides (it leads to unjust outcomes! it produces no acted-upon outcomes!), they both resonate with me. She also does a pretty good job of cynically marginalizing New Urbanism as a superficial approach that "paints a physical picture of a desireable city" but "its easy elision of physical form with social condidtions" is "more ideology than theory."
But, in the case of Fainstein's attack on communicative practice, I wonder if it is fair to judge this mode based only on it's potential abuses and limitations? Can anyone deny Inne's thesis that the established modes of public participation in our system are less-than-effective and have contributed to the rising cynicism about government? There are ideas to grab hold of in a theoretical construct that seeks to elevate the value of public input, even if that mode is not fully sufficient to carry the best plans into operation.
The "Just City" mode is attractive to me because it offers the best opportunity for planners to stand in the nexus of expert and facilitator, guiding the process and defining options with expertise while bringing those who stand to be impacted into the dialogue in meaningful capacities. But I'm not ready to be signed up for the Just City Militia just yet.
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Footnote: Fainstein's reliance on Marx shows a political tone-defness that strikes me as surprising after her sharp analyses of other modes of planning. Pitching your idea with quotes from Marx (regardless of their merit) is the best example I know of how out-of-touch academics can be political realities in America. It's the sort of self-sabatoging act that perpetuates another generation of academics and planners lamenting that the unwashing public (and, even more, politicians) won't listen to my good ideas.